1931
– 1939 – Growing Up in the Coal Mine Camps
I
thought I would give a little more background about the mining camps that
mother was raised in. I believe it was this raising, which gave her part of her
strength of character as well as the way she looked at the world. Her attitude was
always “If life hands you lemons; make lemonade.” I added to that attitude my own
philosophy that if life handed you lemons and you didn’t have sugar for lemonade;
make lemon water. Lemon water was good for you. I was born in Harlan, Harlan County, Kentucky; and spent my first five years living in coal mine camps like Yancy, Nancy, Golden Ashe, and High Splint. I guess you could say there has to be a little bit of coal running in my veins.
The
following is from: John W. Hevener’s, Which Side Are You On? The Harlan County
Coal Miners, 1931-1939 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978). "Harlan
County and Coal." American Decades. 2001. Encyclopedia.com. 22 Jan. 2012
<http://www.encyclopedia.com>.
Company Rule
Harlan County's seclusion and lack of well-paying
manufacturing jobs worked against its residents. The coal mines became the
major source of income for area families. People could not afford to become
union activists because the operators had too much power over them. The coal
companies virtually controlled every aspect of their workers' lives. Coal
miners lived in company-owned houses, shopped in company-owned stores, and even
worshiped in company-built churches. Workers who tried to start unions faced
the full wrath of the operators and were discharged, evicted, and blacklisted.
Most workers were deterred from unionism when faced with the option of having a
job without a union or organizing and never working in Harlan County again.
Anti-unionism
Coal operators and miners both contributed to the
antiunion spirit in Harlan County. The coal companies viewed unionism as a
northern conspiracy to destroy the southern coal industry. They believed that
the northern coal operators used the federal government and the United Mine
Workers (UMW) to force the southern companies into having standardized wages
and hours. Higher wages and periodical strikes, imposed by the UMW, would cause
southern companies to lose contracts to northern competitors. Operators used
the "North versus South" imagery continually to keep the miners from
organizing. The 1920s also saw Harlan miners prospering. The thinking of the
typical miner helped foster anti-unionism. Many were first-generation
industrial workers and found the activity and fast pace of the coal camp more
exciting than the isolated mountain cabin left behind. Trading impoverished
hillside farming for mining greatly increased one's wealth. Until the Great
Depression, Harlan County miners profited from the rich coal mines in the region
and from lack of unionism.
Misery
and Depression
Deteriorating work conditions, low wages, and
wholesale unemployment, all resulting from the Great Depression, opened the
eyes of the coal miners to unionism. The workers began to see that the
hardships following from the Depression were beyond the control of themselves
or the paternalistic coal companies. When low wages, irregular employment, and
unemployment brought poverty, hunger, and disease to Harlan County, coal
workers finally realized that they needed help. As a result of falling wages
and severe unemployment, 231 children died of malnutrition in Harlan County
from 1929 to 1931. If not for a child-feeding program launched in the fall of 1931
the number would have been much higher. One mine owner sadly remarked,
"The miners' families are still able to eat and keep warm, but I don't
pretend that they are living as they ought to live." Other miners felt
despair because they were unable to feed their families. The coal companies
aggravated the harsh conditions faced by the miners by imposing a 10 percent
wage reduction on them in early 1931. Harlan miners decided to unite against
the operators and felt that they "might just as well die fighting as die
of starvation." The resulting battle began a ten-year struggle for
unionization.
Fighting
Authoritarianism
The battle for unionization in the 1930s was an
attempt to improve working conditions and a revolt against the arbitrary
economic, political, and social power of the operators. The local mine owners
increased their influence over the lives of workers by virtually owning every
sheriff, politician, and judge in Harlan County. Every law enforcement agent
would then fight against any attempt at unionizing. Sheriff John Henry Blair
reported that during the strikes of 1931-1932, "I did all in my power to aid
the coal operators/' The operators felt that they acted as benevolent
patriarchs caring for the workers. As long as miners adhered to the company's
moral code that prohibited prostitution, theft, drunkenness, and unionism, they
provided a reasonable amount of social security. Unionism gave miners their
only chance to fight the authoritarian control of the operators. Two-thirds of
the county's labor force mined coal, and the companies employed or controlled
most lawyers, ministers, teachers, and law-enforcement officials; thus, the
struggle became one of "us" versus "them." Harlan County's
violent heritage ensured that the battle for unionism would be bloody. During
the 1920s Harlan's homicide rate was the highest in the United States.
Intimidation
The United Mine Workers used the 1931 wage reduction
as a springboard for organizing in Harlan County. The operators fought back,
however, and used spies to ferret out union sympathizers. Hundreds of men were
fired and then evicted for wanting to join the UMW. Most of the displaced
workers moved to Evarts, one of the three non-company towns in Harlan County,
and it soon became a center of union agitation. William B. Jones, the secretary
of the local union, emerged as the leader of the organizing movement. Hungry
strikers, fired by the operators, began raiding company-owned stores to feed
their families. Miners were also suffering at the hands of mine guards and
deputies who were employed by the operators to intimidate the workers. Rumors
circulated alleging that company guards abused miners' wives and children and
openly displayed firearms to cower any opposition.
The
Battle of Evarts
Tension escalated between miners and guards, and by
March 1931 gunfire became commonplace. Both sides were armed and willing to use
their weapons in any dispute. Ambushes, snipers, explosions, and robberies
rocked Harlan County, and a Knoxviik News-Sentinel headline warned,
"Flare-Up in Harlan Area Is Expected." Sheriff Blair, responding to a
reporter's questions regarding the use of guns, said, "Hell, yes, I've
issued orders to shoot to kill," The fight between miners and deputies
came to a climax on 4 May when the "Battle of Evarts" broke out. A
group of ten mining officials were ambushed by seventy-five union sympathizers,
who exchanged gunfire for more than half an hour, resulting in several deaths
and a state of chaos in Harlan County. For two days there was no law and order
in the region. Public schools closed, and many families fled the area. Gov.
Flem Sampson called in the National Guard to restore order to the county. The
Battle of Evarts was produced by hunger, the abuses of the private deputies,
the operators' unrelenting opposition to unions, and the spontaneous nature of
the strike. The battle, however, galvanized the resolve of the operators, and
the military occupation undermined the strikers' resolve. UMW officials
realized the use of National Guard troops would effectively end the strike
without the miners' grievances being remedied. Sheriff Blair and his cronies
continued to harass union sympathizers and, in fact, rounded up and jailed all
the major union leaders on trumped-up charges relating to the Battle of Evarts.
Many union miners who were not permanently blacklisted were forced to return to
work. Those who refused to relinquish their union ties were left either to
starve or flee Harlan County.
Government
Intervention
The historic passage of the National Industrial
Recovery Act in 1933 and the Wagner Act of 1935 placed the authority of the
federal government behind the efforts to unionize. The notable exception to the
movement remained Harlan County. Harlan posed a serious threat because as long
as it held out against collective bargaining its competitors in Virginia,
Tennessee, eastern Kentucky, and Alabama threatened to terminate their union
contracts. Thus, the UMW had to keep up its organizing efforts in Harlan so its
entire southern region would not evaporate. At the time of the Wagner Act,
however, the miners had made no real strides toward organizing. Eventually,
concerted pressure by the Roosevelt administration and the UMW combined in 1937
and 1938 to open Harlan to unionism. New Deal legislation resulted in the
abolition of the private deputy system and gave union organizers the freedom to
enter the county. Violence in labor disputes gradually gave way to mediation
and negotiation. The New Deal did not transfer power from the operator to the
worker in the 1930s, but it did create a new balance of power that greatly
benefited the miner.
Final
Battle
The turbulent decade closed just as it had opened,
with a strike. It began as part of the UMW's national strike to obtain a union
shop. In Harlan a fifteen-week strike ensued that pitted the operators'
association against the county's nine thousand union miners, supported by the
federal government, the UMW, and the nation's public and editorial opinion.
When the strike began on 3 April 1939, every county mine closed in Harlan
County for the first time in history. Union officials, realizing that a return
to the violence of the 1931 strike would destroy their cause, urged members not
to resort to violence, even after union zealots forcibly baptized nine nonunion
miners "in the name of the father, the son, and John L. Lewis." By
the strike's seventh week all national operators had signed a union-shop
contract except Harlan's. The governor intervened and sent the National Guard
to reopen the mines. Remarkably, the union miners showed great restraint, and
little violence occurred until a 12 July picket of five mines. National Guardsmen
opened fire on unarmed miners in picket lines, and two men were killed and
three others seriously wounded. The event was dubbed the "Battle of
Stanfill," and the violence was blamed on the Harlan operators who refused
to conform to the interests of national coal companies.
Balance
of Power
Intervention on the part of the Roosevelt
administration and Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins resulted in a settlement
being reached on 19 July, the strike's 109th day. The key issue was union
security, which Harlan officials conceded. Operators recognized the UMW as sole
bargaining agent for all employees, and strikers were immediately rehired. The
agreement covered forty-eight hundred workers at twenty-four mines. The 1939
agreement, aided by the wartime coal boom, ended the ten-year struggle in
Harlan County and brought a new balance of power in the county.
Success
Without government intervention, Harlan probably
could not have been organized. A decade of violence produced several deaths and
countless injuries. Unionism, however, brought significant economic and social
gains to miners. "Bloody" Harlan County lived through the decade of
strife and emerged a better place for miners and their families.
Source: John W. Hevener, Which Side Are You On? The
Harlan County Coal Miners, 1931-1939 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1978). "Harlan County and Coal." American Decades. 2001.
Encyclopedia.com. 22 Jan. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>.